Thursday, December 17, 2009

Glenn Greenwald: Don't kid yourself; this is the bill Obama wanted all along.

Although I have stated that, lousy as it is, I would prefer that the Senate bill pass -- and although I this is still my position -- I must confess that I have begun to feel increasingly icky about what the bill has lately become. So it goes.

It's an awfully difficult time not to be extremely frustrated by the seeming impotence of the Democratic Party as well as disappointed with Obama. I, for one, never lost sight of the fact that the president is a centrist and a pragmatist and that his attachment to various financial and corporate paymasters is inextricable. It's just that, somehow, I must not have remembered just how far right the putative "center" has become in our corporatist nation state. It's not pretty.

But, more than that, I think I had the feeling that Obama would be able to pull off his role -- precarious and self-contradictory though it may be by definition -- with a bit more...I don't know...panache? I mean, in moments at which he looks like a cynical, calculating servant of corporate interests, he really looks like a cynical, calculating servant of corporate interests. I'm led to wonder why that is. I think it's because of the kinds of posturing that Obama has to do in order to throw bones to the 'progressive' left wing base, while simultaneously keeping the insurance and pharmacological industries happy.

And, as regards this very posturing in application to the matter of a "public option," it looks as if Salon columnist Glenn Greenwald has got Obama's number:
[C]ontrary to Obama's occasional public statements in support of a public option, the White House clearly intended from the start that the final health care reform bill would contain no such provision and was actively and privately participating in efforts to shape a final bill without it.  From the start, assuaging the health insurance and pharmaceutical industries was a central preoccupation of the White House -- hence the deal negotiated in strict secrecy with Pharma to ban bulk price negotiations and drug reimportation, a blatant violation of both Obama's campaign positions on those issues and his promise to conduct all negotiations out in the open (on C-SPAN).  Indeed, Democrats led the way yesterday in killing drug re-importation, which they endlessly claimed to support back when they couldn't pass it.  The administration wants not only to prevent industry money from funding an anti-health-care-reform campaign, but also wants to ensure that the Democratic Party -- rather than the GOP -- will continue to be the prime recipient of industry largesse. As was painfully predictable all along, the final bill will not have any form of public option, nor will it include the wildly popular expansion of Medicare coverage.  Obama supporters are eager to depict the White House as nothing more than a helpless victim in all of this -- the President so deeply wanted a more progressive bill but was sadly thwarted in his noble efforts by those inhumane, corrupt Congressional "centrists."  Right.  The evidence was overwhelming from the start that the White House was not only indifferent, but opposed, to the provisions most important to progressives.  The administration is getting the bill which they, more or less, wanted from the start -- the one that is a huge boon to the health insurance and pharmaceutical industry.
Greenwald praises Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold for pointing this out:
Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.), among the most vocal supporters of the public option, said it would be unfair to blame Lieberman for its apparent demise. Feingold said that responsibility ultimately rests with President Barack Obama and he could have insisted on a higher standard for the legislation.

"This bill appears to be legislation that the president wanted in the first place, so I don’t think focusing it on Lieberman really hits the truth," said Feingold. "I think they could have been higher. I certainly think a stronger bill would have been better in every respect."
Seems convincing to me, and if it's true, it isn't all that surprising. But it's still dismaying to see how hamfistedly the Obama administration seems to be in dealing with this stuff. What a mess.....

As matters stand, I still think the bill in its present decimated form is better than no bill and here's why: In almost all of the complaints from the so-called 'progressive' left about this bill, I have not heard a single serious reference to the impact of this law upon poor people. Where are the anti-poverty advocates, and why shouldn't a serious discussion of the problems with his bill include a discussion of poverty? Almost all of the criticism has to do with middle-class concerns and middle-class problems.

Doesn't this bill still help people who can't currently afford ANY health insurance, and shouldn't that be the main priority? Please, if anyone knows more about this angle, fill me in. Nobody seems to be talking about it.

3 comments:

phuckpolitics said...

Where are the anti-poverty advocates, and why shouldn't a serious discussion of the problems with his bill include a discussion of poverty?

Because nobody cares about the poor.

cft said...

Because nobody cares about the poor.

Maybe so. And I don't wish to be misinterpreted as patting myself on the back for raising this issue. I'm every bit as flawed and self-interested as the next man.

Then why raise the question?

Because rectifying the crisis of the uninsured poor in this country IS the most compelling moral justification for reforming the system. Therefore, even if nobody on the putative left in the USA actually cares in his heart of hearts about the human rights of poor people (a notion that, joking aside, I would find difficult to believe), redressing the inhumane way in which this vast population is treated currently remains the most pressing and least refutable claim on the necessity of reform. Moreover, the amount of money that is wasted on last-minute emergency room care that in any other semi-advanced Western country is minimized through basic and preventative care is among the most compelling economic cases for reform.

While I don't love this bill and have tons of sympathy with many aspects of the 'progressive' critique -- particularly toward the Dems for being spineless as well as with respect to its failure to force the insurance and pharmaceutical companies to take a smaller cut --, the fact remains that at its worst, the critique offered by Olbermann and others is every bit as self-centered and blind to the realities of socioeconomic class as typical, Newt Gingrich-style Republican whining about taxes.

As I understand it, the only people who would be paying new taxes under this bill are people making something like $50,000 or more. Olbermann says he'll refuse to buy insurance despite mandate. Well, although I have sympathy with the critique of pharma/insurance industry hand-outs, I'm not going to lose any sleep over Keith Olbermann having to buy insurance. Cry me a river, Keith.

I hate the bill and am still trying to learn more about it and am open to changing my mind about whether it should just be scuttled. But I really do want to know more about whether this bill would insure millions of poor and lower-middle-class people successfully and in a helpful way. If it does, then the case against passage is weak, despite all of the convincing reservations.

Shane said...

"The poor complain; they always do
But that’s just idle chatter
Our system brings reward to all
At least all those who matter." Sadly, I've gotta agree with PP - no one cares about the poor, the rich are the only ones that seem to matter. Nothing has demonstrated this better than the past year as every government resource was used to save the elite, while the root of the problem has just been ignored - the poor are getting poorer and the rich richer.